Monday, January 10, 2005

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Why do the Democrats reward failure?

There was a sentence in this Associated Press report on possible replacements for Terry McAuliffe to be the new Democratic Party chairman that caused me to pause and re-read to make sure I wasn't hallucinating:

Others who have expressed interest in the chairmanship include former Texas Rep. Martin Frost, Democratic activists Simon Rosenberg and Donnie Fowler, former Denver Mayor Wellington Webb and former Ohio Democratic Party chairman David Leland. Howard Dean, a former Democratic presidential candidate, is considering whether to join the race.

Some Democrats have approached current chairman Terry McAuliffe about remaining in the job. (emphasis added)

As someone who likes to see an incentive system whereby losing political parties search for ideas and individuals that can help them win again, what the f#%$ are the Democrats asking McAuliffe to stay on thinking?

This is emblematic of a larger problem bedeviling the Democrats -- an oligarchy of party consultants that are not ousted after losing. Amy Sullivan has a great Washington Monthly story on the problem. Some highlights:

[Joe] Hansen is part of a clique of Washington consultants who, through their insider ties, continue to get rewarded with business even after losing continually. Pollster Mark Mellman is popular among Democrats because he tells them what they so desperately want to hear: Their policies are sound, Americans really agree with them more than with Republicans, and if they just repeat their mantras loud enough, voters will eventually embrace the party. As Noam Scheiber pointed out in a New Republic article following the great Democratic debacle of '02, Mellman was, perhaps more than anyone else, the architect of that defeat. As the DSCC's recommended pollster, he advised congressional Democrats to ignore national security and Iraq in favor of an endless campaign about prescription drugs and education. After the party got its clock cleaned based on his advice, Mellman should have been exiled but was instead...promoted. He became the lead pollster for John Kerry's presidential campaign, where he proffered eerily similar advice—stress domestic policy, stay away from attacking Bush—to much the same effect.

Hansen and Mellman are joined by the poster boy of Democratic social promotion, Bob Shrum. Over his 30-year career, Shrum has worked on the campaigns of seven losing presidential candidates—from George McGovern to Bob Kerrey—capping his record with a leading role in the disaster that was the Gore campaign. Yet, instead of abiding by the “seven strikes and you're out” rule, Democrats have continued to pay top dollar for his services (sums that are supplemented by the percentage Shrum's firm, Shrum, Devine & Donilon, gets for purchasing air time for commercials). Although Shrum has never put anyone in the White House, in the bizarro world of Democratic politics, he's seen as a kingmaker—merely hiring the media strategist gives a candidate such instant credibility with big-ticket liberal funders that John Kerry and John Edwards fought a fierce battle heading into the 2004 primaries to lure Shrum to their camps. Ultimately, Shrum chose Kerry, and on Nov. 3, he extended his perfect losing record.

Since their devastating loss last fall, Democrats have cast about for reasons why their party has come up short three election cycles in a row and have debated what to do. Should they lure better candidates? Talk more about morality? Adopt a harder line on national security? But one of the most obvious and least discussed reasons Democrats continue to lose is their consultants. Every sports fan knows that if a team boasts a losing record several seasons in a row, the coach has to be replaced with someone who can win. Yet when it comes to political consultants, Democrats seem incapable of taking this basic managerial step.....

This Peters Principle effect of Democratic operatives rising—or muscling their way—up to the level of their incompetence, happens for a simple reason: The consultants are filling a vacuum. After all, someone has to formulate the message that a candidate can use to win the voters' support. Conservatives have spent 30 years and billions of dollars on think tanks and other organizations to develop a set of interlinked policies and language that individual Republican candidates and campaigns can adopt in plug-and-play fashion. Liberals are far behind in this message development game. Indeed, most Democratic elected officials have been running recently on warmed-up leftovers from the Clinton brain trust, ideas which were once innovative but are now far from fresh. With little else to go on, consultants—many of whom came to prominence during the Clinton years—have clung to old ideas and strategies like security blankets. “Democratic consultants are being asked to fill a role they're not suited to,” says Simon Rosenberg, head of the New Democratic Network, “to come up with ideas and electoral strategy in addition to media strategy.”

Rosenberg hints at a second Democratic deficit: The party has no truly brilliant strategists in positions of power. Such talent is always rare in both parties and tends to come out of the political hinterlands, often as part of a winning presidential campaign team. Jimmy Carter's 1976 campaign was waged by a crew of Georgia political operatives with the help of unconventional pollster Pat Caddell. Four years later, Reagan defeated Carter by relying on a California-based gang of professionals. James Carville and Paul Begala were largely unknown before they took Bill Clinton to the White House. And outside the South, the team of Karl Rove, Karen Hughes, and Mark McKinnon weren't much less obscure when they put together the strategy for George W. Bush's winning 2000 campaign.

Republicans have proven much more adept than Democrats at giving their best talent a national stage. While Democrats have permitted a Washington consultancy class to become comfortably entrenched, Republicans have effectively begun to pension off their own establishment. “The D.C. consultants for the GOP have their list of clients, but they're definitely on the outside looking in,” Chuck Todd told me. “The Bush people have been very careful to give them work…but they're not in the inner circle.” In 2004, seasoned Washington media strategist Alex Castellanos paid the bills with a handful of safe congressional races and a few unsuccessful primary challengers. Meanwhile, nearly every tight Senate race (North Carolina, Alaska, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Florida) was handled by a Tampa-based firm, The Victory Group.

Republicans, of course, don't have any natural monopoly on strategic talent—they just give their best young strategists chances to run the biggest national races. In all likelihood, there is another Karl Rove or James Carville out in the Democratic hinterlands, who ought to be playing essential roles in the most important races. It might be David Axelrod in Chicago, who developed the media strategy for the then-unknown Sen. Barack Obama's (D-Ill.) primary campaign; West Coast strategists Paul Goodwin and Amy Simon, who helped Democrats regain the legislature in Washington state; or even unconventional D.C.-based consultants like Anna Bennett, the pollster who engineered Melissa Bean's upset of veteran Rep. Phil Crane (R-Ill.) in November. But any new talent will likely remain on the national margins—running races for Congress and judgeships—until someone breaks up the consultant oligarchy.

The electoral system takes care of dead weight when it comes to politicians. The proof is in the political wreckage evident after yet another year of Democratic defeats at the polls. Dick Gephardt—after 10 years at the helm of the Democratic minority in the House—has decided to go back home to Missouri. John Kerry is returning to the Senate instead of stretching out his legs in the Oval Office. The consultants, however, live on. After pocketing a $5-million paycheck following the election, Shrum is back from a vacation in Tuscany and now advising Sen. Jon Corzine's (D-N.J.) gubernatorial race. Mellman, whose advice helped sink Democrats for two consecutive campaign cycles, continues to line up clients. As for Hansen, his connection to Daschle may not help him now that the South Dakotan has vacated the Democratic leader's office. But don't cry for Joe Hansen—he's the consultant for incoming Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid.

Read the whole thing.

posted by Dan on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM




Comments:

That's one of the great unanswered questions of our day, a mystery which has stumped just about every rank-and-file Dem for the past 4 years.

My guess is that the party leaders don't really care all that much what happens to the Dems -- not just because they get rewarded whether they win or lose, but because there really isn't that much separating the DLC from the Republicans ideologically. Take a look at what the Clinton administration was saying 6 years ago about Iraq, for an example of what I mean.

posted by: Carl on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



Because to a lot of Dems running in those circles, it's not about winning or losing, it's about keeping your job.

posted by: Jim Dandy on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



Why should I bother going to read another article when your analysis is so good.

Keep up the good work.

posted by: spencer on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



Carl there is a difference. The party might have made a better go of it with Iraq if Bill Clinton wasn't such a narcissist @#$%^&*(if you any doubt I'm wrong look out him running to the camera and mike stand to support something the American people would do anyway). Monicagate and the impeachment were errors of commission over the power of the Presidency which crippled the party in the realpolitik goal of not giving it up. To give Clinton his due, he was extremely capable of articulating and making real the goals of government to help people and he was more than capable of presenting the case for Iraq as you pointed out(real problems are still real problems, it is the approach to solving them that is the difference). "Those who work hard and play by the rules" saw he didn't(think the lobbing of missles at the Sudan against OSL or what is the meaning of "is") and thus destroyed the trust in the party he had built(TRUST).

The article points out Clinton's apparatchiks were different and successful in their time. That is what is needed now, a clear concise difference of telling the electorate what Democrats stand for. A good place to start is a restatement of "Those who work hard and play by the rules".

posted by: Robert M on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



There must be a pony in there somewhere. Are you familiar with that story?

posted by: Dave Schuler on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



Democrats have become too enamored of their hashed out, watered down, quasi-liberal agenda. To even think of abandoning or altering 'the way things are done' is unheard of. If pouring billions into the NEA education sinkhole produces worse and worse schools, whats the answer? No enough money. Democrats are locked into a viscious cycle, chained down by their special interests. You will never hear a spirited debate about abortion, education, social security, tort reform, or afirmative action in the democratic leadership. And hence no new ideas will emerge. Instead democrats are locked into the Escalation of Failure routine. If something isnt working politically, devote more resources to it. Not wise.

posted by: Mark Buehner on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



I know the Republicans are anything but perfect on the score of reality testing their ideas, but the fact that Democrats are being hurt by their resistance to accept the market ruling on their consultants is rather ironic.

posted by: Sebastian Holsclaw on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



Follow the money. Check out the links between contributors and consultants. The crucial part of the article is:

"It's important to understand that even for experienced politicians—mayors, governors, representatives—a Senate run can be an intimidating challenge. It involves courting an entirely new world of donors by proving to Washington fundraisers and party leaders that you are a serious contender. Jeremy Wright, who served as the political director for Oregon Senate candidate Bill Bradbury's race in the spring and early summer of 2002, says that candidates are almost required to run two parallel campaigns, “one to get voters to vote for you and the other to get D.C. money by putting together the right consultants to show you're for real.” For Democratic candidates in the few targeted races every cycle that are actually competitive, winning without the financial support of the DSCC (or its sister organization, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee) is nearly impossible. While the candidates are grateful for the infusion of cash in the form of committee-sponsored polling, fliers, and commercials, the money comes with strings.

Officially, no favoritism exists. “We don't push one consultant over another,” a DSCC spokeswoman told me. “It's more of an informational thing, telling candidates about good people who do a lot of Senate races.” But Democrats who have worked on targeted races describe a reality in which they are strongly encouraged—often with the reminder that precious funds hang in the balance—to select recommended consultants. “The campaign was pretty paranoid about making sure the DSCC was backing us,” explains one veteran of an unsuccessful 2002 Senate race. “We needed the cash. So of course, we were going to go with the consultants they recommended.”

No one was in a better position to take advantage of this power relationship than Hansen. As the first man-on-the-ground, his contact with budding campaigns was early and often. “That person has a very large advantage in being able to shape the team,” one of Hansen's consulting competitors told me. “You bond with the candidate from the get-go at a pretty stressful time when they're deciding whether to run and how to do it.” Another Democrat who has worked with Hansen complains, “Joe is a pretty egregious example of a guy who is sent out as the official representative to help candidates plot their campaign plan, and then when he gets to direct mail, says, 'Oh, by the way, let me switch hats for a second—I happen to do direct mail.'”

The situation puts candidates—who are loath to alienate the campaign committee whose financial assistance they desperately need—in a tricky spot. Even when working with experienced consultants, candidates need to retain some ability to disagree with a proposed idea or strategy. That's hard enough when the consultant is recommended by the party committee. But when the consultant actually is the party committee, the candidate's discretion stays sealed in a tight box."

posted by: Tom Holsinger on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



Dan, do you mean that wasn't the whole thing?

The Democrats' problem is that their's is still Walter Mondale's party -- you get a Presidential nomination by appealing to a specific set of organized interest groups. Zell Miller was essentially correct; "the groups" determine what Democratic politicians stand for. Consultants and strategists are then left with the task of selling the resulting message to an American public most of which does not care what "the groups" have to say. There are at least three problems with this.

First is that it leaves consultants, and candidates, with very little flexibility. Second is that it usually produces candidates who struggle with issues that "the groups" do not have high on their respective agendas -- and unfortunately national security and foreign policy are among these.

But the most serious problem is that American voters want their President to at least look like a strong leader. It's very difficult to look like a strong leader if organized interest groups are so obviously determining what you can say and what you can't. Obviously, to the extent Democratic consultants and strategists themselves constitute an organized interest group they compound this problem.

One way around these difficulties is to wait for an opportunity. The Depression made Franklin Roosevelt's election possible; the end of the Cold War meant that Bill Clinton's disinterest in foreign policy was not the disadvantage it would have been four years before he got elected, or ten years later. But this is a passive approach; it was essentially what the Democrats hoped would happen last year, and it didn't.

Another, better option is to look for a candidate with a vivid personality. This was what Reagan, and to a lesser extent Eisenhower, used to bridge divisions within the Republican Party; Theodore Roosevelt -- facing much greater divisions -- transformed both the Presidency and much of American campaign politics through the force of his personality, and so did FDR.

This approach will look fraught with risk to just about anyone active in Democratic party politics today. Suppose this "vivid personality" repels more people than he (or she) attracts? Suppose he generates so much public enthusiasm that he doesn't need my group's support or feels free to reject my group's agenda? Suppose -- if I am a political consultant, strategist or pollster -- he is disinclined to treat me as an oracle, or at least as an equal, and looks on me merely as hired help?

Political observers will recognize all of these objections from the 2000 Republican primaries. The Republicans then took the safe course from the standpoint of their own interest groups and campaign professionals, and they won. From my point of view they got lucky, and were foolish to reject a candidate who would have beaten Al Gore easily. But we're talking here about the Democrats -- and it's the Democrats who have the bigger problem, because they are the ones losing most elections.

Maybe what Democrats need to do is stop fretting so much about positioning and fundraising and all the rest of it -- the mechanics of the permanent campaign. Instead, they should focus on finding a candidate who is more like the Democratic Presidential candidates of the past who have won than the ones who have lost -- not ideologically, but personally. Look for a candidate who has made some enemies and beaten some, and not just in election campaigns either. Look for a candidate whose positions on issues you can mostly live with, rather than one who promises to be your champion on everything you care about. And look for a candidate who has some ability to manipulate people -- that means the media, interest groups, and even his closest supporters -- rather than one whom you think you might be able to manipulate.

This suggestion doesn't have anything to do, really, with who runs the DNC or manages which campaign. I confess that I really do think of campaign professionals as the hired help; I think they make a difference mainly on the margins, in very close elections where everything else is equal, and as a rule I don't think they have anything to contribute to what happens in government once the votes are counted. I will not be running for President anytime soon.

posted by: Zathras on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



Zathras,

Major contributors to Democratic candidates, and the fundraisers themselves, are now the Party's most important "organized interest group". Consultants have learned to play to that group. Candidates are now merely the vehicle by which consultants obtain money from contributors/fundraisers. Democratic candidates' interests are secondary.

posted by: Tom Holsinger on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



Interesting discussion. I think at least one very important point was made - that the GOP is way ahead of the Democrats in policy development and arguments to support those policies. I think the democrats need to work a lot harder at this.

Problem is this takes years of work. A start can be made in four years but the GOP experience indicates that it may take as many as 12 to 20 years for this to take hold. This doesn't mean that the Democrats are doomed to lose every time - I personally believe they will win a close election in 2008. But it means that they are playing on the enemy's battleground and responding to his issues.

The second important point that was made is the use by the GOP of fresh, young talent in most elections. In the 2004 election it was Karl Rove (unknown until 2000) against Bob Shrum. Shrum loses serially - it's time to give someone else a chance. Someone young - unknown.

A good start would be a plausible newcomer for DNC chairman.

posted by: Don Stadler on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



Interesting discussion. I think at least one very important point was made - that the GOP is way ahead of the Democrats in policy development and arguments to support those policies. I think the democrats need to work a lot harder at this.

Problem is this takes years of work. A start can be made in four years but the GOP experience indicates that it may take as many as 12 to 20 years for this to take hold. This doesn't mean that the Democrats are doomed to lose every time - I personally believe they will win a close election in 2008. But it means that they are playing on the enemy's battleground and responding to his issues.

The second important point that was made is the use by the GOP of fresh, young talent in most elections. In the 2004 election it was Karl Rove (unknown until 2000) against Bob Shrum. Shrum loses serially - it's time to give someone else a chance. Someone young - unknown.

A good start would be a plausible newcomer for DNC chairman.

posted by: Don Stadler on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



Interesting discussion. I think at least one very important point was made - that the GOP is way ahead of the Democrats in policy development and arguments to support those policies. I think the democrats need to work a lot harder at this.

Problem is this takes years of work. A start can be made in four years but the GOP experience indicates that it may take as many as 12 to 20 years for this to take hold. This doesn't mean that the Democrats are doomed to lose every time - I personally believe they will win a close election in 2008. But it means that they are playing on the enemy's battleground and responding to his issues.

The second important point that was made is the use by the GOP of fresh, young talent in most elections. In the 2004 election it was Karl Rove (unknown until 2000) against Bob Shrum. Shrum loses serially - it's time to give someone else a chance. Someone young - unknown.

A good start would be a plausible newcomer for DNC chairman.

posted by: Don Stadler on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]



Robert M posts that the dems are losing because they don't follow the "Those who work hard and play by the rules" rule.

Robert, is there any political figure in the last 100 yrs who has worked less hard and played less by the rules to get where he was than George W. Bush? Puhlease.

posted by: this here's hard work, i'm working hard, it's hard to work.... on 01.10.05 at 11:34 PM [permalink]






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